On March 14, 2024, the Kyrgyz Parliament passed the final reading of a draft law requiring non-profit organizations that receive foreign funding to register as "foreign representatives."

The IDFI engaged in a discussion with its partner, Elmira Nogoibaeva, the founder of Esimde, a discussion and research center based in Kyrgyzstan. The dialogue focused on the implications of this law for the country, the future of their activities, and her perspectives on the developments related to a similar law in Georgia.

What are the current activities of Esimde? When was it established, what were its founding objectives, and what initiatives does it undertake both within Kyrgyzstan and internationally?

- Research Forum Esimde is a continually evolving scientific initiative focused on memory research. In contrast to traditional academic fields, it also engages in civic activism. This approach entails conducting research and posing critical questions to stimulate public discourse and societal reflection. For example, regarding the "dark pages of the country's history," we strive to bring specific events to the forefront, facilitate discussions from various perspectives, preserve oral and local histories, and conduct thorough research. We must uncover and comprehensively understand past events in Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia, ensuring that we consider all aspects and viewpoints. This is why we developed our approach in a semantically and ethnically comprehensible language. Thus, Esimde was established, which translates to "I remember" in nearly all languages of the Turkic language family.

How does "Esimde" conduct its activities, and what are its funding sources?

- For over a year, enthusiasm drove our efforts. Eventually, a community of like-minded individuals gathered around us, and we perceived significant public demand. This was evidenced by letters, contributions from family archives, memoirs, and stories from the community. Subsequently, we initiated resource-seeking activities akin to those undertaken by independent institutions globally. This included completing grant applications and participating in competitions and conferences. As a result, we garnered recognition, leading to support from several foundations.

Numerous initiatives undertaken by our organization have received backing from the citizens of Kyrgyzstan. We managed to publish a book through crowdfunding and donations, a practice we refer to as Ashar, which reflects a traditional aspect of our nation where people unite around significant endeavors. Frequently, our initiatives gathered support through this avenue.

Before the implementation of the "Foreign Agents" law, Kyrgyzstan was widely regarded as the most successful country in post-Soviet Central Asia in terms of democracy and freedom of speech. How do you anticipate this law will alter this scenario? To what extent will it impact organizations and individuals?

- Indeed, the perception of our nation was more favorable in the past. However, with the adoption and implementation of this law, the situation has shifted. From a legal and logical standpoint, it presents a paradoxical and treacherous scenario, particularly concerning the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic. The interpretation is challenging and seemingly limitless in scope. I am under the impression that those endorsing it were not fully informed about global affairs and the state of non-governmental organizations in Kyrgyzstan. If anyone adhered to the registration and tax regulations, it was primarily non-governmental organizations. There is a straightforward explanation for this: even if a donor contributes a nominal amount, they keep a close eye on even a small amount of money spent throughout the entire project. In Kyrgyzstan, non-governmental organizations can be viewed as entities tasked with societal and cultural development, encompassing areas such as healthcare, literature, science, peacebuilding efforts, and civil initiatives. Although the law has yet to take effect, we must await its future implications, although the prospect itself is disconcerting.

Can you discern any evidence of Kremlin involvement in the formulation and enforcement of this law in Kyrgyzstan?

- In Kyrgyzstan, this "second-hand" law is not an isolated occurrence originating from there. Such patterns of inertia and loyalty have endured since the Soviet era. The legal norms, while far removed from the realities and ideals, are structured around fear and the unquestionable supremacy of the state. A political analysis reveals that these decisions often exacerbate rather than ameliorate the situation, especially within the context of a dynamic and relatively small state such as the Kyrgyz Republic. Recent historical experiences have consistently underscored this reality.

How will the law specifically impact Esimde's activities? For example, do you indicate in the texts, as is the case in Russia, that "the material (information) is produced and/or disseminated by an agent of a foreign country"? Additionally, what are the financial implications? As you are aware, the Soros Foundation has already exited the country...

- The law has already impacted numerous individuals. Many non-governmental organizations are shutting down, and donors are also departing. Opportunities are significantly diminished. We might close as an organization, but what happens next? Our endeavors are an endeavor to understand ourselves, our history, and our culture… This process is inevitable across the entire post-Soviet and post-colonial landscape, as well as globally. Individuals aspire to understand their identity, their ancestors' legacies, and the values they cherished beyond the "Great Idea of Communism." There is a yearning for linguistic autonomy, a revival of marginalized cultures, and a reclaiming of history. This isn't about Moscow or the West; it's about our identity. It represents a natural evolution. Considering technological advancements, such as social networks, the Internet, and communication platforms, it is evident that this evolution cannot be halted. Despite TikTok being banned in our country, the populace swiftly transitioned to using VPNs. It is crucial to acknowledge that artificial, fabricated nostalgia cannot resurrect the Soviet Union. On the contrary, these coercive measures by the former metropolis yield the opposite outcome. This is apparent even within Russia itself. Hence, these laws represent a useless, last effort, even if they result in our closure. Nonetheless, the process remains unstoppable.

In your estimation, will the present Kyrgyz government enforce this law during the 2026 elections, potentially excluding non-governmental organizations and civil society from the monitoring framework?

- Political dynamics in Kyrgyzstan are notably more unpredictable compared to other countries in the region. The electoral process is marked by significant variability, with political parties often forming temporary alliances based on the situation. However, what stands out is the impressive mobilization of the population during crucial moments. While coercive tactics may induce fear in some, they also fuel anger among many. The distribution of resources within the country is unlikely to have a major impact on non-governmental organizations, known for their financial transparency and reliance on grants rather than loans. However, the situation is more complex when it comes to businesses, elites, and clans. The unfolding events will reveal the eventual outcome.

The government of Georgia recently enacted a comparable law, triggering one of the most substantial protests in the country's history over the past 30 years, which persists to this day. Thank you for your expressed support. Could you elaborate on the situation in Kyrgyzstan and how the Kyrgyz nation responded to this law?

- We felt immense pride witnessing the events unfolding in Georgia during the demonstrations. It might sound sentimental, but it's a reality we recognize. Preserving one's human and national dignity is crucial, and seeing such actions from our Georgian counterparts, whom we see as our kin, is deeply meaningful.

Don't worry; this proxy law is a test of sorts. Recent developments in Tbilisi have shown it to be a flawed and ineffective measure, understood by the people. Therefore, this situation is unlikely to persist for long. What's significant is that this tumultuous process not only caused fear among the public but also among supporters of the law. It led to a remarkable surge of unity, with many young people actively participating.

Is the Kyrgyz government discussing conspiracy theories, such as a "Global War Party," which purportedly seeks to embroil the country in conflict, involving non-governmental organizations in this narrative?

- Our government hasn't fully embraced public discourse. They often communicate simplistically, framing anything against the government as bad and portraying the law as complex yet necessary. While our government's propaganda skills are still developing, they are quickly gaining expertise in this domain.

How are discussions regarding Kyrgyzstan's memory and decolonization progressing within the region, specifically among the Central Asian nations of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan?

- We are engaged in a process of memory work, seeking to recover and comprehend the historical knowledge and identity of our nation spanning the past century. In comparison, our neighboring countries have made significant steps in this endeavor. For instance, in Uzbekistan, the president personally announces the lists of rehabilitated Jadids, who were part of the ideological current of Islamic modernism and many of whom perished during Stalinist repressions. Individuals who were demonized and marginalized during the Soviet era are recognized in Kazakhstan, where May 29-30 is officially commemorated as the Day of Hunger and Repression. Unlike Kyrgyzstan, these processes are primarily conducted at the state level in Kazakhstan. While there are challenges regarding freedom, the assessment of the past and its implications for the future are integral aspects of nation-building, revealing a shift towards a more open discourse where prohibitions are no longer sustainable.

In conclusion, do you have any aspirations, and how do you envision the future development in both countries?

- All processes within the post-Soviet space share a common foundation of decolonization. Individuals, nations, and states strive to resist external influences and assert their autonomy. While the methods employed may vary, the underlying objective remains consistent: people seek to construct their livelihoods. The concepts of national and personal honor serve as fundamental values universally upheld across this region.

Georgia has been a vanguard in the process of openness and reconciliation with its past. This was perceptible through the metaphors portrayed by filmmakers such as Abuladze and Danelia. It marked a period characterized by fear and a concealed existence. Presently, the generation born into a liberated state has come of age; they are no longer trailblazers but are advancing.

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